An hour later, an elderly couple arrived, and then, to von Hoffman’s total amazement, so many people turned up that there was no room left in the gym, in the foyer, or on the stairs.”Von Hoffman arranged for loudspeakers to broadcast the talk to the hundreds of people in the streets outside the venue.
Working through existing institutions within the current system is not good enough. Significantly though, Saul Alinsky was not a casualty of the hysteria surrounding radicals and supposed communists in the late 1940s and early 1950s (Horwitt 1989: 240). (Alinsky 1972: xxv).Saul Alinsky’s ideas could be seen as controversial, but he was effective and practical as a community activist, and his work and writing deserves to be more widely known among those involved in informal education, community development work and social pedagogy.
And yet he sought to present its leaders with the challenge of institutionalization — a question which King himself grappled with in his later years and which is vital in thinking about how organizing models might be integrated.Alinsky understood something important when he embraced “the moment of the whirlwind.” He saw that using mass mobilization to produce spikes in social unrest is a process that follows a different set of rules than conventional organizing. As Stein explains, “[T]he revival of Alinsky-style organizations in the 1970s and 1980s often defined itself against the social movements of the previous decade — especially the civil rights, women’s, and student antiwar movements — which it tended to view as promoting collective identity formation over the achievement of strategic goals.”Patient base-building, long-term strategy, incremental local wins.
It is also present in networks such as PICO, DART, USAction/Citizen Action, the Gamaliel Foundation, and the former branches of ACORN. Through his writing — especially the 1971 book Rules for Radicals — and through organizations modeled on his Industrial Areas Foundation, Alinsky’s views continue to influence those seeking to build and lead […]Our new issue – looking at what the Bernie campaigns accomplished and the work left to do – is out this week. Opinion from Salon and Jim Hightower? Saul Alinsky can seem very amoral in his statements.
The work in Woodlawn, in particular, attracted attention with its focus on local organizing and its critique of ‘welfare colonialism’.
Many of its principles — embracing demands with wide symbolic resonance, channeling energy and participation from a broader public, articulating self-interest in moral and visionary terms — are the opposite of the principles that drive local community organizing. Then join the hundreds of readers who have supported AlterNet this year. Chavez was even known for giving Alinsky’s biography of John L. Lewis to friends and colleagues as a gift. The idea is that small victories build local capabilities, give participants a sense of their power, and spur more ambitious action.They also meet some of the immediate needs of the community — far preferable, in Alinsky’s view, to social movements’ far-off calls for freedom and justice. He founded the The philosophy laid out therein, along with other training materials and exercises Alinsky developed, has influenced generations of community activists and is still taught in many organising trainings today.Given the breadth of impact and continued precedence of Alinskyist organising, we should critically examine some of its basic tenets and their limitations as we develop a new revolutionary politics of radical democracy and neighborhood organizing.One fiercely debated concept is who counts as an 'organiser'. My fellow radicals who were supposed to pass on the torch of experience and insights to a new generation just were not there.”As a consequence, young leftists were too easily seduced by quick fixes, Alinsky believed. “I added it could not be done in less than two years.”Von Hoffman was not convinced that King was listening. Efforts such as the 99% Spring and Occupy Our Homes were steps by community-based groups toward integrating their traditional organizing models with the social movement energy that had blossomed in Zuccotti Park and beyond.The desire to re-examine maxims such as “build organizations, not movements” is an exciting development — one that opens the door to interaction between those focused on building long-term “people’s organizations,” as Alinsky called them, and those exploring the dynamics of strategic nonviolence and disruptive mass mobilization.It is also one that Alinsky himself may well have supported.Looking back at the origins of many foundational principles associated with the Alinskyite organizing tradition, it becomes clear that some were not as deeply rooted in the founder’s thinking as others — and that he might have pressed for reconsideration of certain commandments that have grown hallowed since the 1960s. “He had a talent for teaching people how to organize power that lasted.” Chambers’ systemization of the Alinsky model would involve formalizing processes for recruiting and grooming organizers, relying less on large foundations for funding, improving working conditions to reduce burn-out, and strengthening ties to faith-based groups.
Not that his principles and rules are unquestionable or right for every situation, but they are a practical toolkit to effect change though leverage in those with power, potentially of great worth to those engaged in community work and education.
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saul alinsky organizing model