He’d asked her a question that had stuck with her ever since, affecting how she thought of herself and her five boys and girls: “Does every child of yours have a mattress of his own?” Almirón had never considered this. The government cracked down in response, triggering yet more student uprisings. With his lanky physique and expressive black eyebrows, Mujica came to represent Tupamaros' romantic side. Select from premium President Of Uruguay José Mujica of the highest quality. "Mujica said he would make it a priority," Ramos recalled. Over the phone, Naím and I spoke about a recent trip I took to Israel, where I'd been struck by how much conservatives' complaints about Benjamin Netanyahu—that he'd been unable to turn his country from a polity riven by fissures and self doubt into a united community confident of its moral purpose—echoed the Uruguayan progressives' language critiquing Mujica. It led past some of the most derelict houses I'd ever seen, one made of old "for sale" signs. As the candidate of the Broad Front, he won the 2009 presidential electionand took office a… Buoyed by "power to the people" movements around the world, students took to the streets to protest the plight of suffering farm workers. Public education has powerful symbolic value in the country. It's in the mind. The amazing story of world's poorest President, José Mujica. The guerrillas came first. He'd gained fame as a parliamentarian partly for riding to the chambers on a workingman's scooter. In 2005, he inaugurated the first left-wing government since the country's dictatorship and took great strides toward restoring the Uruguayan social safety net, rebooting Batlle's national health care system, expanding welfare, and making Uruguay the first nation in the world to fully implement the One Laptop Per Child program. The goal was to humiliate the government by disrupting Uruguayan life. It has meant a refusal to make enemies, and a habit of yielding to outside parties who opposed his attempts at reform. Other Uruguayans I spoke with said the same thing. … It wasn't supposed to be like this." "Neck is unacceptable," Mujica told a reporter. Even as she complained about Mujica’s sloppy management and policy failures, she added that Uruguayan society did somehow feel different under Mujica’s tenure. Rabuffetti and I left the shopping center and headed toward our next stop, a slum on the city’s northwest side. They invite us to see ourselves differently, to open ourselves to a new way of being. "Even the times he is in silence, some profound expressions cross his face," Garcé remembered. He was 74 years old when Uruguayans elected him their commander-in-chief in 2009. Mujica was wowed. Crumbling houses gave way to cinder-block shacks with black garbage bags for curtains. Once, Mujica had come to visit the neighborhood and seen Almirón’s shack. After several fruitless years, Ramos quit in frustration, embarrassing the administration. Tupamaro antics could be comic—the group once spray painted "everybody dances or nobody dances" on a nightclub wall. "Look at the empty bookstore," he told me as we stood by Nuevocentro's central escalator. “His idea,” Gerardo Caetano, Uruguay’s foremost historian of the Batlle era, explained to me, was that “you can’t have liberty without equality.” There is no psychic liberty, in other words, for the poor unless they can imagine themselves equal to the privileged. “Sometimes we confuse the two.”. More and more, when I go to a party, people just want to talk about what phone they have. Family. But that was part of the problem: Mujica's pan-enthusiasm placed everything, and consequently nothing, at the top of his agenda. But it has been amplified, partly as a result of the increasingly complex nature of power itself. Worse, he said, Mujica also had done little to alleviate inequality in concrete ways. She seemed a bit sheepish admitting it: It was unquantifiable. I booked two weeks in the country and scheduled more than two dozen interviews. Within a few years, Batlle had built perhaps the most perfectly rendered socialist society the world has ever seen. It’s in the mind. “I live with little. Downhill toward the Rio de la Plata, at the Santa Catalina, a grubby beer hall selling cheap shots and greasy pizzas, you can sometimes find Mujica himself, his gray hair mussed and his gnarled feet clad in beat-up leather sandals, tucking into a humble lunch. He managed these successes thanks to a political persona as authoritarian and charmless as Mujica's was gaily anarchic and alluring. Purportedly to preserve order, President Juan María Bordaberry in 1973 instituted a military dictatorship and locked up the rebels for good. When Vazquez decided to ban smoking in public buildings—“something that was really important for him as an oncologist,” Rabuffetti, the journalist, said—he didn’t involve Congress at first. Mujica, now in his twenties and rapidly rising in Uruguay’s left-wing political world, joined their crusade. His eyes squinted; his hair looked like it was slicked back with kitchen grease. In 2005, he inaugurated the first left-wing government since the country’s dictatorship and took great strides toward restoring the Uruguayan social safety net, rebooting Batlle’s national health care system, expanding welfare, and making Uruguay the first nation in the world to fully implement the One Laptop Per Child program. “It is a civilization against simplicity, against sobriety, against all natural cycles, and against the most important things: Adventure. But that was part of the problem: Mujica’s pan-enthusiasm placed everything, and consequently nothing, at the top of his agenda. That it mattered when Obama said the seven little words “Trayvon Martin … could have been my son,” just as it mattered that he then failed to speak as powerfully post-Ferguson. When he was elected president in 1903, Uruguay still had an underdeveloped central state. When I started to read about Mujica, I noticed that few of the many articles written about him considered the tangible effects of his tenure on his country. Calls a Necktie a "Useless Rag" For all the white-collar workers out there who loathe ties, Mujica … Before he came to power, Uruguay was cowboy territory, a thinly populated no-man’s land between Brazil and Argentina patrolled by pseudo-warlords called caudillos who waged bloody turf battles. And with his tenure ending in March—Uruguay prohibits consecutive presidential terms, and a successor is set to take over—he also presents an ideal test case for how such leadership bears out in practice. Rabuffetti was about to publish a book-length version of his grievance titled José Mujica, La Revolución Tranquila. It was the barrio I drove around in with Rabuffetti, and this time, I didn't just pass through. The guerrillas came first. There’s something wrong with the way we respond to figures like Mujica. When his father was crushed by heavy debt, which eventually led to his death, Jose was forced to help his family survive. By noticing them, by speaking to them rather than about them, Mujica had reincarnated them. It goes against everything Mujica talks about, but he has been powerless to do anything about it. But I have to extend my gratitude to the people of Fray Bentos for holding out all these years”. In his 2013 book The End of Power, the writer Moisés Naím catalogues the ways leaders of institutions—whether political, commercial, or cultural—have become increasingly circumscribed in the transformations they can effect. “When New York City Democrats head to the polls ... they will have a once-in-a-generation opportunity to rewrite the narrative of their city ... Mayor de Blasio might have a real chance to begin stitching the city’s tattered social contract back together,” the Nation effused in its August 2013 endorsement. Prior to Pepe’s rise, Uruguayans’ enduring suspicion of the group might have made such an idea unthinkable. So is the lesson of Mujica that we should suppress our attraction to charmers and truth-tellers and more rationally choose as our captains tough managers and bloodless wonks? But they are not entirely satisfied. But today, it's time to begin to fight." But it has been amplified, partly as a result of the increasingly complex nature of global society and power itself. When Mujica was elected president, he wasn’t very tested as a politician. The story was the same on other policy fronts. When I started to read about Mujica, I noticed that few of the many articles written about him considered the tangible effects of his tenure on his country. I booked two weeks in the country and scheduled more than two dozen interviews. He Was Too Good to Be True. José Alberto Mujica Cordano [xoˈse muˈxika]1, surnommé Pepe Mujica, est un homme d'État uruguayen, né à Montevideo le 20 mai 1935. It was in that post that Mujica won national acclaim, speaking in almost biblical terms about how government policies affected the common man. New Audi dealerships are popping up, and mechanics crash online courses to bone up on the expensive imports. "I agree with absolutely everything Mujica has to say about materialism," he told me. “He believes everyone has the right to a home with dignity,” Almirón said. They called themselves the Tupamaros, after a Peruvian indigenous rebel named Tupac Amaru II. But this is a countdown against nature, against future humankind,” Mujica thundered. The man was old and rumpled, no tie over his blue-and-white striped shirt. We acknowledge this when we feel that it mattered that George W. Bush failed to visit New Orleans for two weeks after Hurricane Katrina. "It's a necessity!" A proudly underdressed Mujica is flanked by his vice president (left) and finance minister at a 2013 government ceremony. Here was a president who was not only a living antidote to the culture of materialism—"You don't stop being a common man just because you are president," he told the Guardian—but also an extraordinarily eloquent advocate for those same principles, a philosopher king without modern parallel. His biographer called him "distant and silent." Much as American character is still subconsciously shaped by Abraham Lincoln, who imprinted on our national psyche the notion that sacrifice leads inevitably to glory, so is Uruguayan character shaped by Batlle. He drove himself around in an old VW Beetle and donated nearly 90 percent of his presidential salary to charity. As a leader reared on the fundamental right to earn a basic living, the proposal was incredibly important for Mujica. The nation’s founders declared schooling a tool for “unity,” and few parents historically sent their kids to private schools other than for religious reasons. He’d gained fame as a parliamentarian partly for riding to the chambers on a workingman’s scooter. “When he wants you to love, he knows how to do that.”. "Sometimes we confuse the two." Eagerly, she showed me paintings she'd done on the shack's walls—stylized fairy images reminiscent of Tinkerbell—and the new wardrobe and table in her bedroom. “Poverty is not in the pocket. The Graph above shows Uruguay’s GDP per capita increase from 2010–2015 the time that corresponded with Mujica’s presidency. Eduardo Galeano, the world- famous writer, loves the shabby-chic Café Brasilero on Montevideo's Ituzaingó Street. He'd retained his childhood egalitarian passions, but prison had made him more philosophical and deepened his rough-hewn physical allure. She works at a slaughterhouse and has barely enough to get by. His heart thrilled in his chest; it felt like a physical enchantment. In fact, there is a politician in Uruguay who accomplished some of the kinds of goals people hoped Mujica could tackle. By the mid-’60s, Uruguay—once called the “Switzerland of South America,” a country so pacifist it used its few soldiers to pick up litter on beaches—sank back into the bloodshed it thought it had left behind. But this is a countdown against nature, against future humankind," Mujica thundered. His knuckles blanched around the car’s steering wheel. A riot of blinking "sale" lights and pumping music, the complex has six banks lining the entryway like sirens, beckoning shoppers to sign up for lines of credit. Inequality and poverty climbed in Uruguay in the early 2000s, and the proudly anti-materialistic country is developing a taste for high-end brands. José Mujica, a former guerrilla who took office in 2010, shuns opulence, donates most of his salary and lives modestly, as he says a leader of a proper democracy should. The nation's founders declared schooling a tool for "unity," and few parents historically sent their kids to private schools other than for religious reasons. President Mujica has rejected the use of the presidential palace and chosen to stay living in his house, a small farm on the outskirts of Montevideo. She’d received me in a dark but startlingly pretty anteroom in the shack she’d built, its floorboards mere planks over the slum’s oft-liquid earth. A billboard exhorting you not to be caught without Ray Ban sunglasses welcomes you to Punta del Este, a resort town teeming with condo developments boasting on-site spas. The guerrillas bombed a Bayer plant in 1965 and held and tortured hostages in a makeshift jail euphemistically christened the “People’s Prison.” The Tupamaros’ reputation among the Uruguayan populace was similarly split. A similar lack of political will and strategic savvy doomed another educational reform effort to give more autonomy to the principals of troubled schools to design their own curricula. That’s why footage of Elizabeth Warren talking smack to Tim Geithner, or Pope Francis carrying his own luggage, is shared so wildly, and why American liberals are wary of Hillary as she leaves the high-priced lecture circuit and prepares for a possible second presidential run. Historically, Uruguay has had the lowest inequality and the most cohesive society in Latin America. Was he able to create the deep change he calls for in his speeches? Over the following decade, the country had the highest per capita political incarceration rate in the world. "They have to," a salesman informed me. Faced with the same constraints all modern presidents face with their power, he just goes around them. Other Uruguayans I spoke with said the same thing. “We are poor people,” Almirón told me with a note of defiance, “but we are people at the end of the day.”, One of the weightiest responsibilities a president holds is the ability to characterize, by speech and example, his society and the meaning of the lives that are in his charge. We want someone simply different enough to plot a new direction for a world that often feels full of deadly momentum toward existential decay and harder to steer than the hurtling Titanic. Ostensibly, José Mujica, as president of Uruguay, was a fellow member of the global elite. The graph above shows extreme poverty overtime. Clad typically in a flannel shirt and Mujica-esque stubble, Rabuffetti commutes an hour a day to Montevideo from his home in a rural village that he shares with his wife and two young children. Gawker published a piece under the headline "Uruguay Has the President of Your Dreams." RELATED: Uruguay: Fascist JUP Posters Will Be Investigated. His father, a washout in business, died bankrupt when Mujica was eight. By the mid-'60s, Uruguay—once called the "Switzerland of South America," a country so pacifist it used its few soldiers to pick up litter on beaches—sank back into the bloodshed it thought it had left behind. “Now let’s count how many cell phone stores we can see, standing right here. "We are poor people," Almirón told me with a note of defiance, "but we are people at the end of the day." "Because everything we draw from society comes out of the well of education." José Alberto "Pepe" Mujica Cordano (born 20 May 1935) is an Uruguayan politician. It didn't take long for the backlash to start: protests in the streets over Eric Garner, the police union snubbing and work slowdown. If, after casting our ballots, we don’t buy books instead of new cell phones, don’t use less gas, don’t do more to stitch back together the social fabric of our own neighborhoods—if, rather than answer the call, we retreat safely back to our old cynicism—then whose fault is that? An old, modest man, and a dreamer. Enjoy the best Jose Mujica Quotes at BrainyQuote. She seemed a bit sheepish admitting it: It was unquantifiable. The election was a landslide; the hopes invested in him near messianic. The suspicion is that they are buttering us up only to eat us later. He has a tractor, a three leg dog, and he donates 90% of what he makes to charity. One morning over coffee, I spoke to a former Mujica staffer named Conrado Ramos. As president, that has meant giving every member of his team a hearing and making them feel good about their ideas, to hurt nobody with his words. I spent a couple of days touring lower-income schools and neighborhoods, and the view of Mujica I encountered was as different as the view of a city from street level versus looking down from atop a skyscraper: Everyone, without exception, believed Mujica had improved their lives. A member of the Broad Front coalition of left-wing parties, Mujica was Minister of Livestock, Agriculture, and Fisheries from 2005 to 2008 and a Senator afterwards. José “Pepe” Mujica is stepping down after five years as perhaps the world's most humble presidents. And that, two education specialists told me, was more than Mujica and his schools minister—a distrusted, low-profile former Tupamaro— could manage. “It’s a necessity!”. With the Second World War and the Korean War over, the global demand for Uruguay’s agricultural exports crashed. Or they have been blurry. Love, in his own telling, is Mujica’s default setting. Do you know what a luxury it is not to hate?" Purportedly to preserve order, President Juan María Bordaberry in 1973 instituted a military dictatorship and locked up the rebels for good. The Uruguayans I spoke to admired Vazquez's efficacy—hence the second term they just extended him. When he came back to Uruguay in 2011 after a tour in Rio de Janeiro, he was startled to see his own society hurtling in the same direction, even as Mujica delivered his anti-materialist sermons. "There's marketing for everything! She had started saving for those beds. "It is a civilization against simplicity, against sobriety, against all natural cycles, and against the most important things: Adventure. In his 2013 book The End of Power, the writer Moisés Naím catalogues the ways leaders of institutions—whether political, commercial, or cultural—have become increasingly circumscribed in the transformations they can effect. It has meant a refusal to make enemies, and a habit of yielding to outside parties who opposed his attempts at reform. When Mujica was elected president, he wasn't very tested as a politician. She works at a slaughterhouse and has barely enough to get by. Shot six times by the police in a bar, he was thrown into prison and broke out twice—once by convincing a schizophrenic inmate kept near a potential tunnel site that he was an alien god come to burrow to the underworld. Mujica pledged to fix that. “Like in school, every morning, our leaders in government must be forced to write, ‘I will busy myself improving education,’ a hundred times,” he said. Ultimately, Mujica did establish a single new technical college. Across the way, beside an electronics store selling $9,000 HDTVs, the little bookseller was sepulchral, its cashier reclined in his chair, reading a newspaper with that air of a shopkeeper resigned to no business. Across the way, beside an electronics store selling $9,000 HDTVs, the little bookseller was sepulchral, its cashier reclined in his chair, reading a newspaper with that air of a shopkeeper resigned to no business. During their twelve-year imprisonment, the Tupamaros' leaders, a group called The Nine, worried that the experience was leaving Mujica permanently damaged. "If such a person is ... a president, then there is hope for humankind." ... Everything is business! People hunger for radically different, plain-speaking, human leaders, leaders who can speak directly to the sources of their existential anguish and fear of an uncertain future. Find the perfect President Of Uruguay José Mujica stock photos and editorial news pictures from Getty Images. José Alberto "Pepe" Mujica Cordano is an Uruguayan farmer and retired politician who served as the 40th President of Uruguay from 2010 to 2015. At the end of a hopscotch course of puddles sat a little shack owned by a woman named Pilar Almirón. He dreams of vacations and freedom. From time to time, Pepe would wheel unannounced into Ramos’s office and “get excited,” unfurling beautiful language about the big changes needed. They called themselves the Tupamaros, after a Peruvian indigenous rebel named Tupac Amaru II. (The fighting eradicated nearly the entire indigenous population, so that modern Uruguayans are overwhelmingly white, descended from Spaniards or Italians.) In this age of rapidly increasing inequality and technological ubiquity, the Armani-clad lizard-beings who run things offer assurances about a state of affairs that is inherently disturbing. Then, in 2005, he received an appointment as agriculture minister. In Uruguay, Mujica's personal austerity made him an object of fascination. It wasn’t just that Mujica had not managed to curb Uruguay’s accelerating consumerism. Prison warders did subtly sadistic things like screen the first 89 minutes of a soccer game and then cut off the feed before the final whistle. But then, not only do we judge their performance on entirely different metrics, we also stop listening to them. An oncologist, he preceded Mujica as president and will succeed him again come March. It goes against everything Mujica talks about, but he has been powerless to do anything about it. “I agree with absolutely everything Mujica has to say about materialism,” he told me. "I'm in tears," one commenter wrote. He does not have much, since, he declares, he does not need much. He rapidly developed a following among poorer workers, and in the mid-'90s entered parliament. The Uruguayan Supreme Court struck it down. Then, in 2005, he received an appointment as agriculture minister. Then we lash out at them when they inevitably fall short. "He believes everyone has the right to a home with dignity," Almirón said. “He’s always saying he’s a fighter, he’s a fighter,” lamented Rabuffetti. But after the dictatorship's end in 1985, Mujica emerged as the most eloquent among them, the Tupamaros' resident sage. Mujica focused his 2010 inaugural speech on a call for a radical overhaul of Uruguay's schools. Former President of Uruguay Jose Mujica was once considered the poorest, most humble leader in the world. Last year, I went down to Uruguay to find out. But, she explained, "Mujica thinks every kid has the right to privacy with his own fantasies." Mujica did win some acclaim for the passage of laws legalizing abortion and regulating the sale of marijuana. The suspicion is that they are buttering us up only to eat us later. As a young man, Mujica had fought with an anti-capitalist guerrilla movement, then spent more than a decade in prison under the repressive military dictatorship that ruled Uruguay in the 1970s and early ’80s. Mujica focused his 2010 inaugural speech on a call for a radical overhaul of Uruguay’s schools. There's marketing for cemeteries, for funeral services, for maternity wards, for fathers, for mothers, grandparents and uncles! He'd asked her a question that had stuck with her ever since, affecting how she thought of herself and her five boys and girls: "Does every child of yours have a mattress of his own?"
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